Life in Zoppola in 1885
La vita a Zoppola nel 1885 (pdf in Italiano)
When thinking about our ancestors, it is sometimes hard to picture what their lives were like in such a different time and place from where and how we exist. With our modern conveniences, global world view, and forward-looking mindset, we do not have the kind of continuity they had with their predecessors. Luckily, there are some resources that can help us understand the lives they lived. One of the best is the Questionario.
In 1879, the relatively new government of a united Italy decided to put out a 103-question survey designed to measure the health of Italy as a nation. The survey was sent to over 8000 municipalities. A pamphlet titled The Questionnaire for the Inquiry into the Hygiene and Sanitary Conditions of the Municipalities of the Kingdom, was produced in 1885. In an article entitled Polenta, Bean Soup, and Water with Vinegar (Sopula, 2015), Alessandro Fadelli presented the results for Zoppola that provides an excellent snapshot of the life experienced by our great- and great-great-grandparents.
While the title of Fadelli’s article has to do with our ancestors’ typical diet, the Questionario addressed all aspects of their lives, from demographics and geography to infrastructure and living environment to daily life and entertainment. The over 800,000 responses to the government in Rome painted a darker than expected picture of life throughout the country, maybe a relatively brighter than expected outlook in Zoppola. To quote Fadelli (2015):
Among the many alarming findings, the General Report accompanying the data noted, for example, that tens, if not hundreds, of thousands of people were still living, especially in the South, in caves, rock-cut dwellings, or huts, or, even in the North and in large cities, in cellars or unsanitary attics. Furthermore, again by way of example, the survey highlighted that in 3,166 municipalities the streets were “all unpaved,” in 1,142 no one took care of “public sanitation” (garbage collection and street cleaning), in 1,434 municipalities the rubbish was “abandoned along the streets or in the courtyards of houses,” in as many as 6,404 there was no sewer system whatsoever, in over half of the municipalities there were few, often no latrines or very few of them, and in more than a thousand, a large portion of the homes were without a chimney and, therefore, filled with smoke from the omnipresent fireplace.
From a modern perspective, this is a grim picture indeed.
Geography
The Commune di Zoppola was comprised of Zoppola proper, and the outlying hamlets of Castions (including Cervaja where the Quattrins lived in 1500), Cusano, Murlis, Orcenico Inferiore, Orcenico Superiore, Ovoledo, and Poincicco. The region was defined as open and flat, with mild temperatures and where “sudden changes and notable divine variations are rare.” Rainfall is fairly heavy but snow is rare. The one complaint the Zoppolani had was that there was frequent fog, especially at the end of the year.
In 1879, the relatively new government of a united Italy decided to put out a 103-question survey designed to measure the health of Italy as a nation. The survey was sent to over 8000 municipalities. A pamphlet titled The Questionnaire for the Inquiry into the Hygiene and Sanitary Conditions of the Municipalities of the Kingdom, was produced in 1885. In an article entitled Polenta, Bean Soup, and Water with Vinegar (Sopula, 2015), Alessandro Fadelli presented the results for Zoppola that provides an excellent snapshot of the life experienced by our great- and great-great-grandparents.
While the title of Fadelli’s article has to do with our ancestors’ typical diet, the Questionario addressed all aspects of their lives, from demographics and geography to infrastructure and living environment to daily life and entertainment. The over 800,000 responses to the government in Rome painted a darker than expected picture of life throughout the country, maybe a relatively brighter than expected outlook in Zoppola. To quote Fadelli (2015):
Among the many alarming findings, the General Report accompanying the data noted, for example, that tens, if not hundreds, of thousands of people were still living, especially in the South, in caves, rock-cut dwellings, or huts, or, even in the North and in large cities, in cellars or unsanitary attics. Furthermore, again by way of example, the survey highlighted that in 3,166 municipalities the streets were “all unpaved,” in 1,142 no one took care of “public sanitation” (garbage collection and street cleaning), in 1,434 municipalities the rubbish was “abandoned along the streets or in the courtyards of houses,” in as many as 6,404 there was no sewer system whatsoever, in over half of the municipalities there were few, often no latrines or very few of them, and in more than a thousand, a large portion of the homes were without a chimney and, therefore, filled with smoke from the omnipresent fireplace.
From a modern perspective, this is a grim picture indeed.
Geography
The Commune di Zoppola was comprised of Zoppola proper, and the outlying hamlets of Castions (including Cervaja where the Quattrins lived in 1500), Cusano, Murlis, Orcenico Inferiore, Orcenico Superiore, Ovoledo, and Poincicco. The region was defined as open and flat, with mild temperatures and where “sudden changes and notable divine variations are rare.” Rainfall is fairly heavy but snow is rare. The one complaint the Zoppolani had was that there was frequent fog, especially at the end of the year.
The area is extremely well-watered, with the Fiume and the Acqua Castellana Rivers running through the Commune and the Meduna River to the northwest. At times too well-watered, as Fadelli points out, because “we know from other sources that in the period under consideration there had been several floods, some of which were large and disastrous, such as those of 1872, 1878, 1879, and especially 1882, which had severely affected not only Zoppola, but also a large part of the lower Pordenone area, causing enormous damage.” There was very little stagnant water in the area, and this was noted as a cause for the low rate of malaria and other diseases.
While there was access to many springs and a well in the center of town, there was also a vast aquifer under Friuli that provided potential access to artesian wells everywhere. The water was of excellent quality, “always fresh, clear, and light,” because “it flows mostly over sandy and permeable soil” and then "through open channels.”
From 1861 to 1896, Zoppola had one doctor, its local physician and health officer who a championed clean drinking water for all. Dr. Vincenzo Favetti (1826-1921) was undoubtedly the most prominent local figure in his field, and his work greatly contributed to bringing the municipality into the modern era. In a report of his dated June 6, 1893, it was found that in Zoppola
drinking water has until now been drawn from local springs—very numerous in the municipality—or from rivers or public drains that cross or border the villages. The potability of the water, relative to the very primitive form used, is reasonable; but current needs now far surpass the ancient content, and science, like art, points to improvements previously unknown or unused. Therefore, our surface waters are no longer satisfactory, and many places demand a more hygienically reassuring condition.
The same report noted the the first continuous-flow artesian well drilled in the municipality, specifically, the one owned by Giovanni Battista Biglia and Achille Zanini, dug in their furnace of Orcenico Inferiore. It became a model for continuous-flow artesian wells to be dug at key points along the roadways and, ultimately, in almost everyone’s courtyards.
Demographics and Occupations
According to the 1881 Italian Census, the population Comune di Zoppola was 4,240, of whom 1,974 were male and 2,266 were female. This represented an increase of 273 people above the previous census. According to the Zoppolani authorities, this increase was primarily due to immigration from other municipalities. There were 31 males and 36 females over 75 years of age, which for the time, was considered an enviable achievement. At less than two percent of the entire population, this does not seem particularly high now.
The families in Zoppola spoke Furlan, a medieval form of Vulgate Latin with strong Celtic roots and a fair amount of German influence. Documents in Furlan date back to the 11th century and poetry and literature date as far back as 1300ce. In the Alps, most spoke a related language known at Ladin. By the early 20th Century, people in the area were bilingual with Italian joining the native tongue. There are still 600,000 Friulan speakers and 20,000 speakers of Ladin in the area today. Like Gaelic, there have been state-sponsored revival movements of both Frulan and Ladin. Ladin is even taught in school now.
In terms of occupations, over 90% of the populace was involved in farming. At the top of the social orderwere the Counts Panciera, the the largest landholders in the area. Obviously, they did not engage in the farming itself. The actual farming was done by either the contadino possidente or the mezzadri. The contadino possidente were landowning farmers, like the Quattrins. The mezzadri were tenant farmers like the Taiariol—essentially share-croppers, who could lose their lease at any time. The main crops were wheat and corn, though elsewhere in Po River Valley, rice was common.
A farmer's day in 1885 Friuli was a relentless cycle tied to seasons and sun. Farm work was a six-day-a-week job, with a break on Sunday. Religious holidays provided a few other rest days. In addition to the field work, communal labor was also required, involving road work or clearing forests for landlords. The work was generally unmechanized and relied heavily on manual labor, with specific tasks changing drastically throughout the year. The entire family, including women and children, would be involved in farm work, though specific roles varied by gender and age. Children usually went to school until the age of 8 or 9 years old, then became fulltime field workers.
Work began before light and ended at dusk, often 12-16 hours with brief breaks for simple meals. Breakfast was a small meal of pottage or bread before work. The first tasks of the work day involved animal care—including feeding and watering the animals and mucking their stalls. The mid-morning was devoted to intense fieldwork—plowing, sowing, weeding, harvesting, and haymaking. Ploughing, fertilizing, and weeding occupied much of the time between planting and harvest. The ringing of the church bell for the Angelus noon prayer called the workers home for lunch, which was the main meal of the day. The family returned to the same work in the afternoon and worked until dinner. After dinner was a time for repair work and household projects like weaving, sewing, and making butter or cheese.
Every family also had their own vegetable and herb garden. Legumes like beans, peas and chickpeas were grown, as well as root vegetables like turnips, asparagus, onions, garlic, and zucchini. Cabbage and chard were also common.
During the winter, quadri (aka polimia grillus) was harvested along the river banks. This herb with very deep and hard roots was suitable for making brushes for laundry and for brushing the hair of cows and horses. According to town historian Nerio Petris, our great-great-grandfather Perbacco Quattrin stabilized the family income by acting as the go-between for the locals and travelling merchants from Ancona.
While there was access to many springs and a well in the center of town, there was also a vast aquifer under Friuli that provided potential access to artesian wells everywhere. The water was of excellent quality, “always fresh, clear, and light,” because “it flows mostly over sandy and permeable soil” and then "through open channels.”
From 1861 to 1896, Zoppola had one doctor, its local physician and health officer who a championed clean drinking water for all. Dr. Vincenzo Favetti (1826-1921) was undoubtedly the most prominent local figure in his field, and his work greatly contributed to bringing the municipality into the modern era. In a report of his dated June 6, 1893, it was found that in Zoppola
drinking water has until now been drawn from local springs—very numerous in the municipality—or from rivers or public drains that cross or border the villages. The potability of the water, relative to the very primitive form used, is reasonable; but current needs now far surpass the ancient content, and science, like art, points to improvements previously unknown or unused. Therefore, our surface waters are no longer satisfactory, and many places demand a more hygienically reassuring condition.
The same report noted the the first continuous-flow artesian well drilled in the municipality, specifically, the one owned by Giovanni Battista Biglia and Achille Zanini, dug in their furnace of Orcenico Inferiore. It became a model for continuous-flow artesian wells to be dug at key points along the roadways and, ultimately, in almost everyone’s courtyards.
Demographics and Occupations
According to the 1881 Italian Census, the population Comune di Zoppola was 4,240, of whom 1,974 were male and 2,266 were female. This represented an increase of 273 people above the previous census. According to the Zoppolani authorities, this increase was primarily due to immigration from other municipalities. There were 31 males and 36 females over 75 years of age, which for the time, was considered an enviable achievement. At less than two percent of the entire population, this does not seem particularly high now.
The families in Zoppola spoke Furlan, a medieval form of Vulgate Latin with strong Celtic roots and a fair amount of German influence. Documents in Furlan date back to the 11th century and poetry and literature date as far back as 1300ce. In the Alps, most spoke a related language known at Ladin. By the early 20th Century, people in the area were bilingual with Italian joining the native tongue. There are still 600,000 Friulan speakers and 20,000 speakers of Ladin in the area today. Like Gaelic, there have been state-sponsored revival movements of both Frulan and Ladin. Ladin is even taught in school now.
In terms of occupations, over 90% of the populace was involved in farming. At the top of the social orderwere the Counts Panciera, the the largest landholders in the area. Obviously, they did not engage in the farming itself. The actual farming was done by either the contadino possidente or the mezzadri. The contadino possidente were landowning farmers, like the Quattrins. The mezzadri were tenant farmers like the Taiariol—essentially share-croppers, who could lose their lease at any time. The main crops were wheat and corn, though elsewhere in Po River Valley, rice was common.
A farmer's day in 1885 Friuli was a relentless cycle tied to seasons and sun. Farm work was a six-day-a-week job, with a break on Sunday. Religious holidays provided a few other rest days. In addition to the field work, communal labor was also required, involving road work or clearing forests for landlords. The work was generally unmechanized and relied heavily on manual labor, with specific tasks changing drastically throughout the year. The entire family, including women and children, would be involved in farm work, though specific roles varied by gender and age. Children usually went to school until the age of 8 or 9 years old, then became fulltime field workers.
Work began before light and ended at dusk, often 12-16 hours with brief breaks for simple meals. Breakfast was a small meal of pottage or bread before work. The first tasks of the work day involved animal care—including feeding and watering the animals and mucking their stalls. The mid-morning was devoted to intense fieldwork—plowing, sowing, weeding, harvesting, and haymaking. Ploughing, fertilizing, and weeding occupied much of the time between planting and harvest. The ringing of the church bell for the Angelus noon prayer called the workers home for lunch, which was the main meal of the day. The family returned to the same work in the afternoon and worked until dinner. After dinner was a time for repair work and household projects like weaving, sewing, and making butter or cheese.
Every family also had their own vegetable and herb garden. Legumes like beans, peas and chickpeas were grown, as well as root vegetables like turnips, asparagus, onions, garlic, and zucchini. Cabbage and chard were also common.
During the winter, quadri (aka polimia grillus) was harvested along the river banks. This herb with very deep and hard roots was suitable for making brushes for laundry and for brushing the hair of cows and horses. According to town historian Nerio Petris, our great-great-grandfather Perbacco Quattrin stabilized the family income by acting as the go-between for the locals and travelling merchants from Ancona.
It was not until 1890 that two industrial mills were built. The Filanda in Orenico Superior was originally built by Mayor Pietro Domini to exploit the hydraulic energy of the Fiume River as a sawmill and then as a spinning mill.
The Fornaci Biglia was built around the same time in Orenico Inferiore on the site of an old brick kiln that had fallen into disuse. It was an industrial forge for metalworking.
The Fornaci Biglia was built around the same time in Orenico Inferiore on the site of an old brick kiln that had fallen into disuse. It was an industrial forge for metalworking.
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Though not occupations per se, there were cottage industries in town. Wool and silk spinning occurred in many homes, and several families—including the Petrises—had looms for weaving. Though not mentioned in the questionnaire, the Commune would most likely would have had at least one blacksmith. As with farming regions the world over, everyone had to learn their own skills in carpentry and stonework.
Another common aspect of life that united Zoppolani society was military service. Between 1880 and 1885, roughly 40-50 young men per year were in the army. Two years of military service were compulsory, and all men served (unless excused for health problems or for not meeting the height requirement) starting at age 19. The relatively new Kingdom of Italy aspired to a pertinent, if not preeminent role in Europe and as a colonial power abroad. Soldiers from Friuli, especially the Alpini, were known for their individual bravery, resilience, and fighting skills, a reputation often in contrast to the broader perception of the Italian military. The Alpini, many of whom were recruited from the local mountain regions, were highly regarded for their skill and tenacity in mountain warfare. During the Great War, they distinguished themselves fighting in extreme conditions against the Austro-Hungarian Kaiserjäger forces. In the hearts and minds of the locals, the Alpini were considered to be like a Friuliano National Army.
Roads, Houses, and Dunghills
Doctors, hygienists, politicians, and urban planners (architects) at that time were most concerned about the impact of the road conditions and housing on the public health. Most Zoppolani responses to the Questionario are more positive than elsewhere in Italy (especially when compared to the previous Kingdom of Naples and Sicily), though there were enough major concerns. The municipal roads were generally “wide, flat, and are annually provided with the necessary gravel and are also regularly maintained.” From a health point of view, road dust raised by pedestrians and carts was then suspected of causing disease. The Municipality paid for street cleaners to maintain the cleanliness of the town streets.
The manure heaps were recognized as potential sources of disease. The Questionario noted that the heaps “are mostly located far enough from the residential area, except in the hamlet of Orcenico Superiore and in some houses in the hamlets of Zoppola and Castions, which, due to the narrowness of the courtyards, remain close to the houses.” But Dr Favetti and the Health Commission tried to remedy the situation: “…at certain times of the year [the Health Commission] enforces their removal from the residential area and also monitors their daily coverage with layers of earth to prevent their emissions.”
On the darker side, it was stated that "very few houses have three floors," and "in general, they are greatly inadequate, both in number and size, to meet the ever-increasing needs of the population." The Quattrin and Petris homes seemed to be exceptions, both being three stories, but they also usually house three generations of the families.
Another common aspect of life that united Zoppolani society was military service. Between 1880 and 1885, roughly 40-50 young men per year were in the army. Two years of military service were compulsory, and all men served (unless excused for health problems or for not meeting the height requirement) starting at age 19. The relatively new Kingdom of Italy aspired to a pertinent, if not preeminent role in Europe and as a colonial power abroad. Soldiers from Friuli, especially the Alpini, were known for their individual bravery, resilience, and fighting skills, a reputation often in contrast to the broader perception of the Italian military. The Alpini, many of whom were recruited from the local mountain regions, were highly regarded for their skill and tenacity in mountain warfare. During the Great War, they distinguished themselves fighting in extreme conditions against the Austro-Hungarian Kaiserjäger forces. In the hearts and minds of the locals, the Alpini were considered to be like a Friuliano National Army.
Roads, Houses, and Dunghills
Doctors, hygienists, politicians, and urban planners (architects) at that time were most concerned about the impact of the road conditions and housing on the public health. Most Zoppolani responses to the Questionario are more positive than elsewhere in Italy (especially when compared to the previous Kingdom of Naples and Sicily), though there were enough major concerns. The municipal roads were generally “wide, flat, and are annually provided with the necessary gravel and are also regularly maintained.” From a health point of view, road dust raised by pedestrians and carts was then suspected of causing disease. The Municipality paid for street cleaners to maintain the cleanliness of the town streets.
The manure heaps were recognized as potential sources of disease. The Questionario noted that the heaps “are mostly located far enough from the residential area, except in the hamlet of Orcenico Superiore and in some houses in the hamlets of Zoppola and Castions, which, due to the narrowness of the courtyards, remain close to the houses.” But Dr Favetti and the Health Commission tried to remedy the situation: “…at certain times of the year [the Health Commission] enforces their removal from the residential area and also monitors their daily coverage with layers of earth to prevent their emissions.”
On the darker side, it was stated that "very few houses have three floors," and "in general, they are greatly inadequate, both in number and size, to meet the ever-increasing needs of the population." The Quattrin and Petris homes seemed to be exceptions, both being three stories, but they also usually house three generations of the families.
According to Fadelli (2015),
The courtyards "are rarely clean, and the drainage of water is often slowed down," rightly considered a dangerous source of the spread of infections. Homes with latrines were rare, "while sewers prevailed, which were usually located at the top of the courtyard, or the small garden, sheltered with reeds, inside which a light layer of earth was placed daily to cover the day's excrement." Excrement and rubbish "were exported mostly in the spring and autumn seasons, and were used for special crops," that is, "used for agricultural purposes, and were highly prized" (but this could further spread pathogenic bacteria, especially those contained in the feces and urine of sick people!).
Regarding public washhouses, the report recorded that they were abundant and "uncovered everywhere." Even washing clothes in water that could then be drunk or used to irrigate vegetable gardens and fields contributed to the rapid spread of pathogenic germs in the event of epidemics, especially cholera. Greater attention was thus beginning to be paid to this aspect; and in the following years, the number of public washhouses located on the outskirts or outside of residential areas and bans on free washing increased.
When asked about the fuels used, the reply was that "treetops and alders cut every three years are used, which are found around almost all the fields, and the kitchens are always well-stocked." We do not know, however, whether firewood or fireplaces and "chimney hoods," as the question asked, specify. It wasn't just curiosity, but again the suspicion—or rather, the certainty—that poor smoke removal from the ubiquitous domestic hearth could cause health problems.
Healthcare
Besides the amazing Dr. Favetti, Zoppola employed two other healthcare professionals. The questionnaire noted that the Municipality had a “necroscope” doctor—that is, a one who was responsible for death certificates and autopsies—and a mortuary police regulation, approved in 1875. This regulation seems to mostly have to do with the placement and duties of the cemeteries. These were no small issue, since a connection had often been noted between the spread of certain infectious diseases and the unfortunate location or clumsy construction of certain cemeteries or burial sites, which could dangerously pollute the groundwater. According to Fadelli (2015),
The municipality has four cemeteries: Zoppola, Castions, Orcenico di Sopra, and Orcenico di Sotto, equipped with "surveillance" mortuaries (except the one in Orcenico di Sotto). They are all located east and south of the inhabited areas, far from churches, in compliance with the health laws introduced in the Napoleonic era but of very late and controversial implementation. The cemetery in Zoppola, built in 1864, is approximately 386 meters from the town, has a surface area of 2,408 square meters, and serves a population of 1,928; the cemetery in Castions, built in 1866, is approximately 420 meters from the town, has a surface area of 2,201 square meters, and serves a population of 1,284; the cemetery in Orcenico di Sopra, built in 1885, is approximately 350 meters from the town, has a surface area of 1,120 square meters, and serves a population of 681; and finally, the cemetery in Orcenico di Sotto, built in 1867, is approximately 250 meters from the town, has a surface area of just 810 square meters, and serves a population of only 347. The burial of corpses "is carried out in a special pit one and a half meters deep, with its own coffin and in a regular order." In the cemetery of the hamlet of Castions, "beneath the mortuary there is a masonry columbarium eight pits wide."
It was also stated that the Municipality operated with an approved mammana, or midwife, who guaranteed “proper practices” as opposed to the practices of traditional midwives. Once widespread in every village but now increasingly subject to disapproval and prosecution, traditional midwifery was on the wane. Despite employing an approved mammana, childbirth was an iffy proposition and infant mortality was a major concern. Consider the difference between Giobatta Petris’ family and that of Tita Quattrin.
Four of their ten children of Giobatta Petris and Rosa Taiariol died under the age of one and another died of disease at 15. That is a 50% mortality rate! By comparison, Tita Quattrin and Elisabetta De Paoli had eleven children and only lost one (a stillborn twin) for a 9% mortality rate. Looking wider, Giobatta’s sister Maria, who was married to Rosa’s first cousin Domenico Tajariol, also lost five of ten children. Overall, Giobatta and his siblings lost 17 of 44 children. That is a 38.6% mortality rate. By comparison, Tita Quattrin and his siblings lost seven of 42 children—only 16.7 %.
The main difference between the families seems to have been economic status. While the Quattrins were not wealthy, they did own their own land and had enough to better feed the family healthfully. The Petrises had lost their trade as weavers and were, like the Taiariols, sharecroppers with a smaller piece of land to work.
The questionnaire also asked whether certain diseases (cretenism, rickets, goiters, epilepsy, deaf-mutism, and blindness) were widespread. While specific numbers were not stated, the response maintains that cretinism (congenital iodine deficiency syndrome, which is a severe condition causing stunted physical growth and profound mental retardation), epilepsy, deaf-mutism, and blindness were rare. Rickets (a childhood bone disease causing soft, weak, and deformed bones due to insufficient vitamin D, calcium, or phosphorus), and goiter (an abnormal swelling of the thyroid gland) were more frequent. The latter was likely a sign of thyroid deficiency, while the former was certainly due primarily to a poor and unbalanced prenatal diet.
While there was a fair amount of municipal support of healthcare, there were a few significant services lacking. The Municipality had no pharmacies. The first would open in Castions finally opened in the early twentieth century, after endless requests and protests. There were no veterinarians. Those who needed one had to go to Pordenone and “sometimes to some local [amateur] practitioners.”
Family and Food
The fundamental unit in Italian society (and not just Italian) is and was the family. There were three things beyond blood-ties that united the family: eating, working, and socializing.
A central point of the questionnaire is nutrition. Question XIII begins by stating that "the ordinary diet of our peasants consists of corn converted into polenta (usually unsalted because of the cost of salt), bean soup, seasoned with ondo (cooked butter, which keeps longer) or with oil (for the poorest), and smoked goat meat. The diet also included beans, peas, chickpeas, and cabbage, along with “little dairy products and no fruit.” The little fruit produced in the area was most likely sold at markets to the bourgeoisie or nobles. The consumption of fresh meat was rare and only eaten on holidays. Then it was mostly capretto—roasted kid goat, often prepared with potatoes, rosemary, garlic, and white wine. Dried pork, herring, and sardines are more common.
As for beverages, the little wine that had once helped to lift people's spirits was gone, and all that remained was a “miserable and disgusting mixture of water and vinegar (at least with some minimal antiseptic power...)” In the mid-nineteenth century, an appearance of vine fungus had literally decimated the prosperous Veneto-Friuli viticulture, drastically reducing the grape harvests. In the best cases, low quality wine referred to as “vinello” was produced by repeatedly pressing the stalks and marc (skins, seeds, pulp, and stems) and subsequently diluting them, almost homeopathically, with water. Grafting European vines onto resistant American rootstocks ultimately solved the problem, and the grape harvest began to recover by the time of the Great War.
As for other harmful vices, four tobacco shops and nine "spirituous liqueurs" were recorded, although "it cannot be said that the population abuses the latter," a somewhat rash statement, given the many cases of alcoholism found in the town at the end of the nineteenth century.
Close living with livestock was a major concern for the researchers who produce the questionnaire.
Regarding Livestock and Stables, the twelfth point of the questionnaire, statistics are first provided on the animals raised: 473 oxen, 436 cows, 82 horses, 164 donkeys, a single mule, 243 pigs, 1,302 sheep, and 18 goats. Here too, the priority is certainly not agricultural statistics, but rather the attempt to connect farmed animals and human health. When specifically asked "whether the man usually cohabits with the cattle, or, especially in winter, spends entire evenings or nights in the stables," obviously to exploit the heat emitted by the cattle as a free source of heating, the Zoppolani respond that "the peasant lives with the cattle only on rainy days and for a few hours at night in the winter season, where especially women gather, forming the so-called filò."
The filò was an essential part of peasant life, combining work and conversation in a communal setting, a tradition that largely diminished with the end of traditional peasant culture. The gathering usually occurred in the stable, which was often the warmest place in the house, saving on firewood by taking advantage of the animals' body heat. The women typically engaged in hand-spinning activities (wool, flax, or hemp), mending clothes, or other manual tasks, which is the literal origin of the word filò (derived from the verb filare, meaning "to spin"). Men often worked on repairing tools.
There was also the socializing aspect to the filò. It was a vital social event for the community, a time for conversation, sharing news, and strengthening social bonds. Elders would pass down local folklore, stories, tales, and songs to the children and adults, serving as a library of sorts for the largely illiterate peasant communities and preserving their cultural heritage.
Education
Like many modern improvements (the commune system with rule by a mayor and council, the freeing of the serfs, the wider right to own property, etc.), public education came to Zoppola with the Napoleonic Code in 1806. For centuries, education was the responsibility of the Catholic Church. This trend was not reversed when Friuli later returned to the rule of the Austrian government, but government support was limited to funding the rent for the parish priest to have schoolrooms for the first, second, and third grades. By 1850, the illiteracy rate was still at 70% and many of those who could write could do little beyond sign their name. In 1866, with the transfer of Friuli to the Kingdom of Italy, the State took on the duty of educational. For the first time, certified lay teachers, predominantly women, entered the teaching profession, and the municipality took on the cost of teacher salaries and the provision of books and supplies. In 1885, over 15% of the municipal budget went to education.
Schooling was compulsory from the age of 6 to the age of 9. If a student advanced too slowly and had to repeat classes, a limit of 12 years was established, but not beyond. Truancy was common, especially among girls. It was often the parents themselves who prevented their children from attending school, either because they needed their help in the work in the fields, or because they considered school a useless waste of time. Interestingly, in the Carnic and pre-Alpine areas of Pordenone (where the Petris family had originated), there was the highest degree of elementary literacy because it was necessary for the work activities that the adults would need as weavers, stonemasons, tailors, and other tradesmen.
According to Nerio Petris’ article Scuoles (2011, Quaderni Zoppolani),
The teachers, for their part, communicated the list of children considered truly poor, to whom books were to be given free of charge, and reported other practical needs before the start of the school year (repairs and maintenance of the classroom, lack of furniture). They reported monthly the names of truant students (absent) and those who caused trouble, so that they (accompanied by their parents) would appear before the Mayor/Podestà to be reprimanded. In particular, girls were most affected by this prohibition, given the subordinate status of women at the time in a society still permeated by profound misogyny.
In 1880-81, 89 boys were enrolled in the elementary school, of whom 70 were attending. 58 girls were enrolled, of whom only 20 were attending. (There was also a voluntary adult education class of 45 men, who attended for two hours in the evenings on weekdays, and 18 women who attended for two hours on Sundays and holidays.) As for curriculum, reading, writing, and the two basic operations (addition and subtraction) were taught in the first-year course. In the second year, composition, reading, and the other two operations (multiplication and division) were taught. In the third year, further refinement to reading and writing and mathematical operations with decimals were taught. The school day lasted from 9 am to 12 pm and 1 pm to 3 pm. Classes were organized by ability, with some being all male and others being mixed. Occasionally a third, all-girls class was formed. At the end of the school year, all students had to take an exam in the presence of the teacher, the municipal inspector, and a third external member who was also a teacher.
The job was not easy. The litany of names of teachers at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries who only lasted a year before moving to another school or left the profession entirely was long. The pay was low, the hours long, and the level of disinterest among the students and parents was high.
The use of the rod and physical violence had been employed by educators throughout history and were still in vogue in 1885 and would not disappear from some schools until well into the 1970s. Sometimes it got out of hand, and there were complaints from parents whose children had been beaten—including one child had a cut on his head that required 10 stitches.
On the other hand, sometimes students resorted to serious insults—if not outright threats—towards young female and/or elderly male teachers. Confiscation of knives, decks of cards, cigars, and pipes was often documented. There were accounts of school break-ins at night or on holidays by groups of boys to recover confiscated items or to commit acts of vandalism. Appalling behavior, considering the age of the students involved.
By 1885, Zoppola still did not own a dedicated school building or a town hall. An office and two schoolrooms were rented from Valentino Stufferi. Later, an additional classroom for use as a girls' school was rented from Count Camillo Panciera, probably in the castle. The rented property was not in good shape.
Throughout the Pordenone School District, the teachers sent continuous letters of complaint to their mayors regarding the state of the premises and their maintenance. A frequent problem in every school building was the insufficient number—or even complete absence—of toilets, so that children had to relieve themselves in the courtyard or in a neighbor's outhouse. Heating was also always a problem. Limited amounts of firewood were provided by the municipality, so teachers had to ask the students to bring kindling, small logs, or even corn cobs from home.
One would assume that the Stufferi property was in a similar state, because the municipality began to make plans for a new building. Again, according to Scuoles (2011, Quaderni Zoppolani),
In 1891, the municipal administration commissioned engineer Alessandro Bragadini of San Vito al Tagliamento (whose father was originally from Zoppola) to design new elementary schools (3 classrooms + teachers' accommodation). The first plan envisioned a location at the Baòrcis crossroads (the current intersection of Via Romanò and Via Raffaello Sanzio, coming from Ovoledo), but it was not approved because it was too expensive (in addition to the estimated cost of £14,000, it would also require purchasing and demolishing a rustic building belonging to the Panciera family). The following year, he developed a second project. Two sites were proposed for the location: one in the Castle of the Panciera family (the current Parish Oratory), the other in the gardens of Andrea Quattrin Perbacco (an area at the time facing the now-disappeared public road called Viola Coreana, connecting the current town hall with Via Giardini-Via Trieste). In both cases, the owners requested compensation of £1,000 per perch (1000 sq m), and 3 to 5 perches were needed. This project also failed. Shortly afterwards, a third project was drawn up (the final one), which envisioned a building with 3 classrooms on the first floor for elementary schools, while the ground floor was to house the town hall. The chosen site remained that of the farmhouse of the Panciera family.
In 1897, the construction began on a town hall with two annexed classrooms for elementary schools finally began. The contract was awarded to Cengarle Sante di Carlo, for a base bid amount of £27,500. The works were completed on December 7, 1898. The Municipality of Zoppola finally had its permanent headquarters and schoolhouse.
The Church
The whole town would gather on Sunday mornings, though many of the men did not go to Mass. As Perbacco’s great-grandson Battista would say, “Women are supposed to go to mass to pray for the souls of their husbands. Their husbands are supposed to give them a reason to pray.” Perbacco’s granddaughter Palmira remembered that Perbacco taught her to smoke on the church steps after mass on Sundays.
In USÀNSIS VIA PAL ÀN, town historian Nerio Petris collected stories of calendar customs from the elders of the community. There were dozens of Saints’ feast days as well as the high church holidays and days of obligation. There were processionals and rogations (chanting the litanies of the saints). Interestingly, many of the customs clearly predated Christianity and were likely Celtic in origin, like the building and lighting of bonfires with a wicker old woman on top, or the ritual of blessing the waters in the house to keep the Ròdia (local archaic term, probably a shortening of Herodias, the wife of Herod who demanded the head of John the Baptist) at bay. It was said that Ròdia could be heard growling and howling all night, frightening the people. The old beliefs were thinly disguised, and the Italian Inquisition was very active in the area in the 16th and 17th centuries hunting white witches who confessed to joining in the so-called night battles, astral projections to an open field where they fought demons for the control of the souls of the townspeople.
Entertainment
According to a pamphlet produced by the Commune di Zoppola on the occasion of their becoming a sister city to the small French town of Tonneins,
The people of Friuli have always been a people of singers, perhaps due to its great poverty. As one of our sayings goes, “We sing because it is the poor man’s happiness.” During harvests, during traditional holidays, even during famines, to forget about our hunger, our people kept singing the songs which express its soul, its character. In 1911, an official choir was founded in Zoppola, mainly for the purpose of singing at religious occasions. Also notable is the Alpine Corps Choir of Castions.
The Counts Panciera were great supporters of the Choir and several family members had fond memories of being invited into the Castle to sing for them.
The same pamphlet also talked about two common folk games that were still played in Zoppola. One was similar to the Mexican pinata, though in Friuli it was a clay vase on a rope that was filled with prized and the blindfolded participant swung a club. The other was called “Climbing the Pole of Bounty” which involved climbing a greased pole to get the prizes at the top.
Conclusion
Life in Zoppola at the end of the 19th Century was hard. It was full of grueling, unending physical labor, economic hardship, and fear for the family’s survival. What is often missed in government studies and ethnographies is what our immigrant ancestors missed about home—especially the filò had provided: asense of belonging that comes from a tight-knit, consistent community. The love and the laughter and the song. The sense of knowing who you are and where you fit. The immigrants left because of economic needs and often sent back what money they could and returned home to visit when possible. Often, they did not pass down tales of their home to their children. Not because the experience was so painful, but because it hurt too much to remember what they were missing as they tried to build new lives from scratch. If they did not feel some lack, they would not have gathered it the same neighborhoods and towns, nor founded their own fogulare and Italian social clubs when they got to where they were going. These are the things we hope to recapture by telling the stories told here.
